Trouble in paradise as radical Islam grows in Zanzibar
Workmen are raising the walls around the
Assemblies of God Church on the outskirts of Zanzibar's Stone Town.
Sweating in the heat and humidity, they have cemented row after row of
concrete blocks to a height of some 10 feet. In May this year a violent
mob stormed this compound and burned the 500-seater church inside. Six
months on from the attack tell-tale licks of black smoke still darken
the cross on its repaired walls.
Bishop Dickson Kaganga, who now has bars
on the window of his office, says he and his fellow Christians are
"living in fear". The Pentecostal priest, whose car was also torched in
the assault, talks darkly of a rising tide of radicalism on the Indian
Ocean archipelago once famed for its cosmopolitanism and religious
tolerance.
After 16 years work as a missionary on the
overwhelmingly Muslim archipelago, the bishop has little doubt who is
to blame for the attacks that ruined his church and ransacked several
others. He points to the rise of a group calling itself The Awakening,
or Uamsho in the islands' native Swahili.
A religious charity which historically
confined itself to propagating Islam but has recently entered the
political realm with its own brand of faith-based populism. The group's
loud calls for independence from Tanzania and anti-mainlander rhetoric
have proven hugely popular. Mr Kaganga insists that they are "advocating
chaos".
The church burnings coincided with the
arrest of Uamsho's leader, the cleric Farid Hadi Ahmed, in connection
with an illegal demonstration.
The following day witnessed some of the worst riots seen on Zanzibar.
The leadership of the group has denied any
involvement in the attacks and no arrests have been made. Since then a
pattern of arrests, riots and unrest has dogged the islands culminating
the deaths of several protesters and one policeman earlier this month.
With its population of one million people
split between the two main islands of Unguja and Pemba, Zanzibar is no
stranger to political violence. Shortly after independence from Britain
in 1963 the black African islanders, many of them descendants of slaves
traded through the archipelago, overthrew the Arab Sultan of Zanzibar.
A year later its new leaders declared
union with mainland Tanganyika creating Tanzania. The islands' history
as an African entry point for Christian missionaries, a transit centre
for the slave trade and a hub for Islamic scholars have all left their
mark.
Little of this rich, turbulent history
sits comfortably with Zanzibar's modern fame as a tropical tourist
destination with a spiced history of cloves and slaves. Beyond the
glamorously dilapidated streets of Stone Town and sun loungers of the
beachfront hotels more than one-third of the population lives in
grinding poverty. The large underclass, living in rural villages or the
crumbling concrete apartment blocks built by Soviet-era allies in the
1960s, face problems which don't appear in holiday brochures.
Dadi Kombo Maalim, the chairperson of
Zanzibar's youth forum says that unemployment among under-30s could be
running as high as 80 per cent. Heroin addiction has been rising slowly
since the 1980s and has now reached epidemic proportions. The popular
scapegoat for all the islands' ills has been a half-century of union
with the mainland, which is blamed for both the economic doldrums and
the perceived creeping moral decay.
"Uamsho says that in the name of the union
many corrupt things have been brought from the mainland," says Mr
Maalim, who lists prostitution, drugs theft and alcohol. It has left
many Zanzibaris feeling that Uamsho "speaks for them", he says.
Elections used to mean murderous clashes
between the ruling CCM party and the opposition CUF stern critics of
the union. But two years ago this came to an end with a unity
government, which succeeded in ending party clashes but left a political
vacuum now being filled by an Islamic movement.
"It's easy to recruit people in Zanzibar
because of poverty," says Hothman Masoud, Zanzibar's Attorney General.
"There are elements of Islamic radicalism here but they previously found
it difficult to get more substantial support."
The government was taken "kind of by
surprise" the lawyer says by Uamsho's entry into politics. Nevertheless,
he denounces the leadership of The Awakening as "opportunists"
interested in advancing their own status and wealth rather than the
principled clerics they are depicted by their supporters as being.
Much of the political establishment on
Zanzibar insist in private that wealthy outsiders from the Gulf states
or Iran are suspected of backing Uamsho.
There are few obvious trappings of wealth
at a meeting of Uamsho's leaders in a poorly-lit spice shop on the
rougher side of the island's capital, Ng'ambo, which literally means the
"other side" from touristy Stone Town. Bags of cloves sit alongside
herbal cures for malaria and a DVD about the freemasons. A short-bearded
young information secretary, Said Amour, laments 48 years of failure
and says that "political parties have failed so we are now taking over".
Uamsho will not run candidates at
elections but it will use "people power" to advance its agenda. That
agenda includes a new code of conduct for the tourists who account for
80 per cent of foreign currency earnings. The group is open to foreign
visitors but they must abide by local restrictions, he says, giving the
example of Saudi Arabia, which has strict observance of standards of
decency.
He proposes a dress code, draconian
limitations on the consumption of alcohol and private hotel beaches to
prevent Western visitors corrupting locals. Uamsho is not seeking a
theocracy on Zanzibar, he insists, and will stick to non-violent
tactics. But the spokesman warns that "wabara" – mainlanders will have
to leave in large numbers as they are illegal immigrants.
There are increasing signs that an
unnerved government which has quietly banned many news outlets from
covering Uamsho's activities, is preparing for a crackdown.
But support for the enigmatic Uamsho shows no signs of waning.
In the mosques supportive imams preach in
favour of the "freedom fighters" of al-Shabaab, Islamic militants up the
coast in Somalia. Uamsho's critics are telling lies designed to destroy
its reputation, warns Mr Amour, who says the people will not allow that
to happen. "Give a dog a bad name and then kill it," he repeats several
times
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